Notes on the Pontifical Urban College de Propaganda Fide, from its foundation to the rise of the Pontifical Urban University (1627–1962)

Flavio Belluomini, Senior Archivist

Propaganda Fide Historical Archives – Dicastery for Evangelization

 

Cet article vise à faire connaître certains aspects historiques du Collège Urbain de Propaganda Fide, fondé le 1er août 1627 par Urbain VIII pour la formation des prêtres destinés aux territoires missionnaires et qui est toujours en activité aujourd’hui. Il met particulièrement l’accent sur l’origine des élèves et l’évolution du Collège à travers les siècles. L’auteur s’attarde ensuite brièvement sur la création d’autres collèges missionnaires établis à Rome et placés sous l’autorité de la Sacrée Congrégation de Propaganda Fide, en évoquant notamment la fondation de l’Université Pontificale Urbanienne en 1962. Grâce à ces repères historiques et aux références bibliographiques fournies, cet article ouvre des perspectives pour de nouvelles recherches sur le sujet, en vue de la célébration du IVe centenaire en 2027.

This article aims to highlight certain historical aspects of the Urban College of Propaganda Fide, founded on August 1, 1627, by Pope Urban VIII for the formation of priests destined for missionary territories, and which remains active to this day. It particularly focuses on the origins of the students and the evolution of the College over the centuries. The author then briefly examines the emergence of other missionary colleges established in Rome under the authority of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide, including the foundation of the Pontifical Urban University in 1962. Through these historical insights and the bibliographical references provided, this article offers avenues for further research on this subject in preparation for the 400th anniversary celebration in 2027.

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SOMMAIRE
1. The origins of the Urban College

2. The geographical origins of the students

3. Intellectual and spiritual formation

4. The transition from the original Schools to the Pontifical Urban University

5. The College and its offshoots: the San Pietro, San Paolo, and Mater Ecclesiae Colleges

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As the fourth centenary of the foundation of the Urban College (August 1, 1627) approaches, the Dicastery for Evangelization – Section for First Evangelization and the New Particular Churches, under whose jurisdiction the College falls, has decided to ensure that the event does not go unnoticed. For this reason, a historiographical project is underway with the aim of analyzing the transformations that have occurred over the centuries, both in terms of the institution and regarding other key aspects of this college. Particular attention will be given to the internal life of the College, in order to identify its dynamics and the type of formation provided to future missionaries. Given the missionary nature of the Urban College, the research will also highlight local realities to examine how, through the clergy trained at the College, a relationship was established between the center of Catholicism and the world, as well as the reciprocal influences that emerged.

In this article, which is substantially based on the existing studies, we will offer some notes to understand certain aspects of the Urban College, from its foundation until the end of the pontificate of Pius XII (1939–1958)[1] , with a mention of the foundation of the Pontifical Urban University. The University took place in 1962, by the will of John XXIII, and has to be understood as a development of the College’s internal schools. After describing the origins of the Urban College itself, we will focus the geographical origins of its students, and how these have evolved over the centuries. We will particularly insist on this aspect of provenance because having an awareness of the current state of knowledge regarding the lands from which the students came allows us to take new steps in research to further explore this topic. Considering the supranational nature of the College, this proves to be central to understanding its activity and its connection with local realities. We will then briefly focus on the life of the College concerning formation, on the development of the College’s schools and on the colleges that emerged from the original Urban College in the 19 th century. This excursus will allow us, insofar as current research permits, to gain an understanding of the historical process that has shaped the life of the College and to identify some key transitions that should be taken into account. This, together with the essential bibliography provided in the footnotes, will help us identify themes for further investigation or for entirely new research [2] in view of the aforementioned fourth centenary.

 

1. The origins of the Urban College

The Urban College de Propaganda Fide was founded by Urban VIII on August 1, 1627, through the bull Immortalis Dei Filius [3]. The Pope included it among the pontifical colleges and decreed that it be housed in a Roman palace specifically donated for this purpose, the Ferratini Palace. The interest of the Roman Pontiffs in missionary colleges was not new, nor was it for Urban VIII himself, as there were already national colleges of this kind in Rome, and papal legislation concerning their management had not been lacking [4] . However, the Urban College had the specific feature of being a supranational college for secular priests. This, after all, was the will of Monsignor Juan Bautista Vives [5] , the benefactor who had donated the Ferratini Palace. The students of the College were therefore not tied to a specific nation but were to come “ex omni gente et natione”, and they were not to belong to any religious orders. The secular clergy that would emerge from that College, according to the intentions of Vives and Urban VIII himself, was to offer its collaboration in the work of propagating and defending the Catholic faith through the missions, a work that the post-Tridentine Pontiffs regarded as a defining aspect of the munus petrinum and exercised at a central level through the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide.

To fully understand the Urban College, it is necessary to recognize that it operated within the framework of the activities of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide, which had been founded by Gregory XV on January 6, 1622, with the task of governing Catholic missions in Europe and worldwide [6].

To the initial institute established by Vives, 2 more were added, both housed in the same building (which, from 1633, also hosted the meetings of the cardinals and prelates of Propaganda), thanks to the efforts of the capuchin cardinal Antonio Barberini Senior, brother of Urban VIII. In 1637, the Cardinal added 12 more places (called Alunnati), which were approved by the Pope with the bull Altitudo divinae, and another 13 in 1639, approved with Onerosa pastoralis. Although they were located in the same building and under a single rector, the 3 institutions maintained their distinct identities. Barberini also worked towards the construction of a church adjacent to the Ferratini Palace and sought to purchase nearby buildings and gardens to expand the palace[7].

On May 16, 1641, with the bull Romanus Pontifex, Urban VIII standardized the 3 institutions, bringing them more directly under the jurisdiction of Propaganda. With Romanus Pontifex, although a distinction remained between the Urban College and the Alunnati, the unification process can be considered to have begun.

 

2. The geographical origins of the students

If we look at the College’s registers, we can get an idea of the international character of this institution from its very beginning [9] . This internationality largely followed the geography of Propaganda Fide [10] , that is, the parts of the world where the Congregation was active in support of missionary work[11] .

As we have seen, Vives wanted and provided scholarships to ensure places in the College for students from all parts of the world. Cardinal Barberini gave precise instructions regarding their origins. The 12 students of the first Alunnato of Barberini had to come from predeterminated territories. The bull considered: 2 Georgians, 2 Persians, 2 Nestorians, 2 Jacobites, 2 Melkites, and 2 Copts. This selection seems to reflect Barberini’s intent to guarantee a place for those coming from nations that did not have their own national college in Rome. With the second Alunnato, he added 7 scholarships for Abyssinian students and 6 for Brahmin students from India. With the exception of the Caucasian territories, which were on the fringes, these were all non-Europeans. However, there would be a gap between expectations and reality. Cardinal Barberini was likely aware of this and had therefore planned that if a place reserved for a specific nation remained vacant for an extended period, it could be assigned to a student from another nation. In practice, Europeans were among the first to arrive at the College, as evidenced by the College’s first register. Since it was a missionary college, European students came from what were considered terrae missionis [12]  : territories under heretical rulers or exposed to potential heretical influences or those of other religions. In this regard, one may consider the Dalmatian coast, which, although largely under the rule of the Catholic Republic of Venice, was surrounded by Muslim territories and had a significant Orthodox presence within it. Some students also came from certain Italian territories, as we will see later, given the risk that the Church of Rome perceived in border areas for potential “heretical contaminations”. These were therefore regions that required priests trained as missionaries. The predominance of Europeans in the College was also due to the distances that made it difficult for students from distant territories to reach Rome. To better understand this, we can take an example.

In 1643, a letter arrived in Goa from the apostolic vicar of the Idalcan, Matteo de Castro, who had been expelled from India. In this letter, written on the mandate of Francesco Ingoli, secretary of Propaganda Fide, he invited a certain Pietro Pereira to join him in Rome with 5 other Brahmin companions to be admitted to study at the Urban College. Only 1 of the 5 companions accepted the risk of embarking on the journey with Pereira. Unable to travel on Portuguese ships, the two were forced to undertake the journey overland. However, discouraged, Pereira’s companion abandoned the trip, while he continued alone. After 6 years of travel, during which Pereira crossed the Caspian Sea, passed through Russia, Poland and Germany, he finally reached Rome. By then, however, the situation had changed: Ingoli and the Cardinal Barberini had died, Matteo de Castro was on his way back to India, and, in addition, Pereira – who was thirty years old – had lost the letter from Matteo de Castro. He struggled greatly to be admitted as a student at the College [13] .

The entry of Europeans, which is clearly documented in the registers, was soon subject to limitations. As early as 1644, when an English candidate requested admission to the College, it was decided to accept only students from nations that did not have a national college in Rome or outside Rome [14] .

In 1656, under the pontificate of Alexander VII, the majority of students came from Europe. Among the 35 students, there were 8 theology students: 2 Bohemians, 2 Alsatians, 1 Pole, 1 Rhaetian from Grisons, 1 Valtellinese, and 1 Dutchman; 5 philosophy students: 2 Wallachians, 1 Moldavian, 2 Alsatians, 1 Indian, 1 Bulgarian, 1 Pole, 1 Armenian, 1 Albanian, 1 Ruthenian, 1 Valtellinese, 1 German from Pomerania, 1 Dalmatian, and 1 Hungarian; 4 rhetoric students: 1 German, 1 Dutchman, 1 Dalmatian, and 1 Bulgarian; 6 grammar students: 1 Maltese, 1 Greek, 1 Serb, 1 Armenian, 1 Albanian, 1 Swiss; and 2 who had to study alphabet: 1 Albanian and 1 Indian [15] . Alexander VII, on March 15, 1657, allowed Propaganda to fill the vacancies that arose due to the difficulty for Indians and Abyssinians to reach the College by admitting Europeans in their place, but he specified that Italians were not to be accepted. An exception was made for Italians from the territories of Valtellina and Como, given the risk those regions faced of heretical infiltration.

The College later expanded thanks to additional places funded by revenues allocated for scholarships. In 1701, 5 places were added by Francesco Scannagatta, Bishop of Avellino, who nonetheless left Propaganda free to decide on the origin of the students. In 1704, cardinal Carlo Barberini established a place by testament in favor of an Albanian student. On October 15, 1708, Clement XI added another place, also for an Albanian. If we want to make an overview of the presence between 1633 and 1703, during this period, we have a total of 451 students. Regarding their origin, the majority were Dutch and Armenians, followed by Dalmatian, Greek, Syrian, Valtellinese, and German students [16]. These students helped make Rome a cosmopolitan city [17].

In 1715, out of 35 students, one was Abyssinian and another Indian, with the rest coming from Eastern Europe, the Near East, and Protestant countries of Northern Europe. Even in 1728, nearly all of the 66 students came from these areas, with the exception of one Indian and one Chinese.

Thus, the students of the College were predominantly Germans, Dutch, Irish, Scots, Swedes, Albanians, Dalmatians, Bulgarians, and Ruthenian monks of St. Basil. Monks from the Eastern Rite were an exception in a college for the secular clergy, due to the unique nature of the Eastern Church.

Meanwhile, the number of places at the college continued to increase, thanks to a donation from Cardinal Ferdinando d’Adda, who in 1719 added 11 places, again without a specific destination. However, Propaganda Fide, in the same year, allocated 4 of these places to young Irishmen (Dublin, Cashel, Tuam, Armagh). In this case, therefore, the Irish, despite having a college in Rome, were welcomed. These discontinuities are important to consider and require further historiographical study in order to better understand the strategies of the Congregation and the needs of the missionary areas, and thus the life of the College.

Between 1788 and 1797 an interesting story concerns two Canadian students. Felix T. Dougherty, a thirteen-year-old from Philadelphia, and Ralph Smith, a fourteen-year-old from Maryland, arrived in Rome at the beginning of January 1788, after months of travel. After a period of study at the College, by 1797 it was finally time for them to return home to serve the Church that had sent and supported them during their years of study. However, the trail of Smith is lost, and it is likely that he never became a priest. Dougherty married and became assistant to the consul of the Kingdom of Sardinia in Baltimore [18] . This story is interesting to consider because we must not forget that not all students reached ordination [19] .

By the end of the 18 th century, the College was continuing its uninterrupted service to the missions [20] and, it seems, was thriving when it suffered a setback due to the events that affected Rome during the first Roman Republic and the subsequent Napoleonic period [21] .

In 1798, with the conquest of Rome by the French army, the deportation of Pope Pius VI, and the establishment of the Roman Republic, Propaganda Fide went through a time of crisis. The officials of the Republic declared Propaganda suppressed. Although the Congregation continued to operate outside the City, the situation had a negative impact on its activities and on the Urban College itself. The students were removed from the palace of the College that was also the palace of the Congregation or repatriated; ten remained under the care of the College and were taken toSpoleto by the superiors, but this was only for a short time, as they were soon brought back to Rome and interned in Castel Sant’Angelo. During this period, the library of the College was dispersed [22] . When finally, the successor of Pius VI, Pius VII, returned to Rome in 1800, he sought to provide for the remaining students. We know that on May 21, 1800, two were sent to the seminary in Padua and three were entrusted to the Lazarists of Montecitorio. By 1803, the situation in Rome had stabilized under the sovereignty of the Pope, allowing some young men to come to Rome from various missionary areas. However, this did not last long. In 1808, Napoleon occupied the Eternal City, annexing it along with the Papal States to the domains of the French Empire. Pius VII was deported, and the same fate befell the prefect of Propaganda. In 1809, the College had 14 students housed with the Lazarists. During the Napoleonic period, the Propaganda palace was used for offices related to government activities [23].

At the end of the Napoleonic period, the Pope and the members of Propaganda took care to re-establish the Congregation on a solid economic foundation. Starting at the end of 1817, the time was finally right to also restore the Urban College in the Propaganda palace, its historic headquarters. In December 1817, the secular priest Raimondo Serdomenici was appointed rector, and on January 11, 1818, the College resumed regular life in the palace [24] . The students numbered 12: 1 Bulgarian, who had been in Rome since 1812, 5 Irish, 1 German, 2 North Africans, 1 Armenian, 1 Greek from Constantinople, and 1 Piemontese, who arrived between 1815 and 1817. By 1822, the number had risen to 35: one German and one Irish, with the others coming from the Balkans and the Near East. In 1825, the number of students increased to 46 with the addition of 4 Illyrians, who were accepted due to the temporary closure of the Illyrian College in Loreto and supported by the Santa Casa [25] . In 1828, the College had 72 students, plus 41 boarders. The organization of the Church in the United States and Canada, pursued in the 19 th century by the Apostolic See through the action of Propaganda, led to the arrival of North American students at the Urban College starting in 1829 [26] . The first arrived from English-speaking areas, and their presence took on a regular rhythm. The College also saw the arrival of four Indian students in the 1830s [27] , under the pontificate of Gregory XVI, from the dioceses of Cincinnati and Monterey. The first French-speaking students from Quebec began to arrive later, in 1879.

The progressive growth in the period following the Restoration is certainly linked to the missionary revival that occurred as a reaction to the Revolution and the principles of the Enlightenment, in line with the romantic idea of the re-Christianization of the world. In this context, in 1822, the Society for the Propagation of the Faith (La Société de la Propagation de la Foi) was founded in Lyon, with its roots in the prayer and financial support for the missions initiated by Pauline Mary Jaricot, motivated by her brother Philéas, a missionary of the Missions Étrangères de Paris. In 1843, Monsignor Charles-Joseph-Marie-Auguste de Forbin-Janson, Bishop of Nancy, would create the Association of the Holy Childhood (L’Association de la Sainte-Enfance), while in 1889, the Society of Saint Peter the Apostle (L’Œuvre de Saint-Pierre Apôtre) was founded, thanks to the intervention of the French Jeanne Bigard. While all three had a missionary spirit, the latter particularly focused on financial support for the training of missionary clergy [28] . It would be interesting to learn more about the connection between the College and these Societies and the support they provided to its students.

In 1881, the 130 students included 2 Africans. The presence of Africans grew over time. In fact, during the 19 th century, there was a continuation of the influx of students from Eastern regions, an expansion in the Far East, also due to the diminishing power of Portuguese patronage, and a growth in the number of individuals from the American continent.

This geographical distribution, which, as we mentioned, reflected the actions of Propaganda, underwent a shift in the 20 th century, between 1908 and 1917. With the apostolic consitution Sapienti Consilio, Pius X removed some territories from Propaganda (such as Canada, England, and the United States), and with the foundation of the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Church by Benedict XV, jurisdiction over Eastern Rite Catholics, which had previously been entrusted to Propaganda, was transferred to the new Congregation. Regarding the changes that took place after Sapienti Consilio and the foundation of the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Church, we should not jump to hasty conclusions about the presence of students at the College. In fact, the doors were not closed to Eastern students. For example, in 1919, out of 96 students, 16 were Eastern. The matter was addressed in the General Congregation on May 9, 1919, and it was decided that Eastern students could remain [29] .

To this, we can add a piece of information that immediately sounds a bit strange, reported by the Fides Agency on March 30, 1940 [30] . The bulletin states that Cardinal Pietro Fumasoni Biondi, Prefect of Propaganda, on March 23, 1940, had conferred the sacrament of holy orders on 37 students of the College: “Young men from 19 different nationalities ascended to the altar. Albania, Annam, Australia, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, Japan, Greece, India, England, Iran, Ireland, the Netherlands, Romania, Scotland, Siam, the United States, Sweden, and Yugoslavia, with their newly ordained deacons, splendidly displayed the unity and universality of the Church. The Pontifical Urban College of Propaganda Fide has 225 students from about 40 different nationalities” [31].

As we can see, the supranational dimension continued to be ensured at the College. This dimension managed to persist even during the World Wars, at a time when nationalisms were highly inflamed [32]. This will be an aspect to be further explored in future studies.

At the end of this excursus, we can quote the words of Maksimilijan Jezernik, though with an addition: “It was the Balkans and the Near East in the early days that held supremacy in the College”; the addition consists of emphasizing, based on what we have discussed so far, the almost immediate presence of students from Protestant areas of Europe. Jezernik continues: “in the second half of the 19 th century, Western countries began to exert pressure: the Netherlands, Ireland, England, Canada, and the United States. With the establishment of the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Churches, its territories ceased to be governed by the Congregation of Propaganda, and the number of seminarians would also decrease. Similarly, with the transfer of Western territories to the Sacred Congregation for the Consistorial, the dominance of the Urban College shifted towards China and India. It briefly touched on Australia before immediately returning to the continent of St. Augustine. A visitor who came today to the Urban College would immediately notice a majority of African students” [33] .

The description provided offers a picture of the geography of the College, but it also highlights the need to delve deeper into the origins of the students, since they were the protagonists of this institution. Understanding the places of their origin provides us with a key to interpret the identity of the College and its evolution over the centuries.

It will also be essential to better understand the destination of the students at the end of their formative journey at the supranational College, which prepared them to become missionaries.

 

3. Intellectual and spiritual formation

A thorough study that considers the formation of the students at the College, although partially pursued [34] , remains necessary and is of particular interest. It is essential to highlight the work carried out by Propaganda, as well as by the superiors and teachers of the College, in equipping future missionaries both spiritually and culturally for their ministry [35]. Particularly noteworthy is the examination of the rules issued for the life of the College [36].

Let us briefly examine the Regole (rules) to be observed by the students of the Urban College de Propaganda Fide [37], printed in the 1640s. The text is divided into 12 chapters, preceded by a proemium that recalled how the purpose of the College was to train a missionary clergy destined “for preaching and for the propagation of the Holy Faith (a duty already entrusted by Christ Our Lord to His Apostles)” [38]. The purpose of the College was therefore purely spiritual and was based on the same theological foundation that Propaganda Fide had received. The Regole served to uphold this ideal in order to train the future “bearers of Light”, called “veluti candelabra super montium iugis sita”, to dispel the darkness of error caused by heresy and paganism. The 12 chapters outline the conditions for admission, the prescribed spiritual exercises and studies, as well as practical guidelines for daily life, such as wake-up time and meals. An appendix includes the formula for the oath, which we will return to later. In 1657, at the request of rector Annibale Saletti, the rules were revised. Two priests, Virgilio and Oliva, who are not further identified, were entrusted with composing new rules based on the model of those of Saint Charles Borromeo for the Helvetic College [39] . These rules appear to have remained in force, but the question remains open, until a new edition in 1732, which nonetheless introduced few changes. They “remained in force until, under Rector Carlo von Reisach, in 1831, they were adapted to the now changed circumstances” [40] following the transformations that took place after the events of the revolutionary and Napoleonic period. Identifying and comparing these changes is necessary to understand the development of the College. As we have seen, the College was not only meant to prepare clerics for their ministry, as prescribed by the Council of Trent, but also missionaries ready to give their lives for the propagation and defense of the light offered by Christ. How this missionary dimension was to be realized during the time of formation requires further investigation. What we do know is that the students had to take an oath, already in force for other missionary colleges since August 9, 1624, and extended to the Urban College by Pope Urban VIII [41] . It consisted of the students’ commitment to observe the rules of the Institute, not to join a religious congregation [42] , to be willing to receive all holy orders up to and including the priesthood, and to return to their homeland [43] . In 1660, Alexander VII revisited the issue, emphasizing the value and necessity of the oath. To the four obligations, he added the requirement of the “lettera di stato”. This was a report that students who had completed their cursus and returned to their homeland or were sent to other missionary territories had to send regularly to inform the rector, and consequently Propaganda, about their activities. The frequency of the letter was structured as follows: students in European territories had to send it annually, while those outside Europe had to send it every two years [44]. This source is extremely important because it reveals the connections between the terrae missionis and Rome and the contribution of the College in this relation.

A thorough study on the formation of the secular missionary priest cannot overlook the attention given, particularly after the Council of Trent, to the value of the plantatio ecclesiae, ensured by dioceses with resident bishops and a local clergy [45]. At the same time, it will be appropriate to analyze the schools of thought in the field of ecclesiastical formation. One may think, for example, of the French school or the Berullian school, which emphasized a spirituality specific to the secular priest [46] . Although it is clear that the College is a place of formation for the secular clergy, we must not forget the influence that religious orders may have had at certain times, such as the Theatines at its origins and the Jesuits between 1836 and 1848 [47] . It is also necessary to highlight Propaganda’s persistent emphasis on the importance of the indigenous clergy, of which the College serves as a tangible representation. In this regard, certain documents issued by the Congregation must be taken into account, from the 1659 instruction to the apostolic vicars of China, Tonkin, and Cochinchina, to Neminem profecto, written on November 23, 1845, by cardinal Giacomo Filippo Fransoni, Prefect of Propaganda, and finally to Maximum illud, the apostolic letter of Benedict XV, issued on November 30, 1919, written with the contribution of cardinal Willem Marinus van Rossum, who was also Prefect of the Congregation. Maximum illud, which aimed to renew missionary activity and free it from colonial influence [48], as we will see, would have an impact on the very structure of the schools of the Urban College. Regarding intellectual preparation, students were expected to return to their homelands as missionaries, making it essential for them to learn the art of preaching as well as controversy. In this training, young clerics had to learn Latin for their studies at the college and Italian for communication, but they were also required to maintain and further develop their native language. This was particularly important for their future ministry, with dedicated studies at the college [49]. From its very foundation, Propaganda Fide emphasized the necessity of studying Eastern languages in missionary colleges, particularly Arabic [50]. At the Urban College, the teaching of languages (Arabic, Syriac, and Armenian) was introduced in 1649 [51]. The fact that Propaganda Fide had its own printing press since 1626, which produced liturgical books, doctrinal texts, grammars, and other materials for studying the languages and scripts of the peoples with whom the Congregation interacted, undoubtedly contributed to the students’ education in this field [52]. The study of the students at the College is a field that requires further investigation, taking into account the intellectual currents that developed throughout its centuries-old history [53]. This should also include a comparison with other educational institutions, primarily other missionary colleges and the Roman College, which shared with the Urban College its supranational dimension [54].

 

4. The transition from the original schools to the Pontifical Urban University

According to Immortalis Dei Filius, Urban VIII exempted the College from the authority of the rector of the Studium Urbis (La Sapienza) and granted the College’s schools the same privileges as those of the Studium, which had also been extended to other missionary colleges in Rome. In 1641, the same Pope confirmed these privileges, which included the possibility of conferring academic degrees up to the doctorate [55]. At the dawn of the institution, teaching was entrusted to the Theatine Fathers, who were also the first superiors of the College. The schools were internal, but between 1643 and 1645, students attended both internal and external lessons, the latter being given by the Theatines at San Silvestro al Quirinale and Sant’Andrea della Valle [56]. On January 23, 1645, Innocent X ordered that teaching be provided by secular priests and conducted within the College. He decreed that a special congregation of Propaganda should select the professors. The Pope also required that the rector be a secular priest [57].

We can identify a moment when the College Schools took on a more defined structure starting in 1657, when Alexander VII established a special congregation for the reform of studies [58]. A specific figure was appointed to oversee academic activities: the prefect of studies, who was to be chosen from among the most learned members of the secular or regular clergy [59]. This position had become largely honorary by the 1740 s . However, it remained effective under Benedict XIV, starting in 1752 [60].

As early as 1823, the secretary of Propaganda effectively held the position of prefect of studies [61]. It is likely that the presence of the rector at the College and the many commitments that kept the Secretary away created difficulties in the relationship between the 2 figures. In any case, in 1872, Propaganda designated the Secretary as the official reference for academic matters [62], and in 1928, the Secretary was still serving as prefect of studies [63]. The presence of the Secretary as prefect of studies highlights Propaganda’s interest in maintaining direct control over the education provided to future missionaries. In 1958, with the appointment of the first Rettore Magnifico of what had increasingly developed into a true university, not to be confused with the Rector of the College, the prefecture lost its former significance. The Rector, though still subordinate to the Superiors of Propaganda, took charge of academic instruction [64]. The Secretary of the Congregation assumed the title of Vice Grand Chancellor, while the Prefect remained the Grand Chancellor.

With this excursus, we have considered only certain aspects of the institutional evolution of the College’s schools, which over the course of their history came to be a true Athenaeum, establishing themselves within the landscape of pontifical schools. On May 24, 1931, with the Apostolic Constitution Deus scientiarum Dominus, Pius XI placed all ecclesiastical universities under the jurisdiction of the Sacred Congregation for Seminaries and Universities of Studies. On this occasion, the Urban Athenaeum was adapted to the new regulations with revised statutes. However, given the provisions of Maximum illud, Propaganda was not hindered in its original commitment to preserving the missionary character of its Athenaeum.

On September 1, 1933, at the Urban Athenaeum, the Institutum Missionale Scientificum was established as an autonomous institution with the right to confer academic degrees in missiology. In 1943, it also introduced a specific program for the study of canon law, particularly missionary law. The Athenaeum’s engagement with the contemporary world led it, in 1959, to establish a dedicated institute for the study of the history of atheism [65].

The Urban Athenaeum was declared a Pontifical University by John XXIII with the motu proprio Fidei Propagandae on October 1, 1962 [66].

 

5. The College and its offshoots: the San Pietro, San Paolo, and Mater Ecclesiae Colleges

As we have seen, after 1818, the College resumed regular life, and the number of students progressively increased. This required larger spaces, leading Propaganda to acquire a roman building, Mignanelli Palace, for the College’s schools. The relocation of the schools to this building took place in 1887 [67].

In 1925, a large area on the Janiculum was purchased, and on November 2, 1926, after taking possession of the site, the community settled there. On April 26, 1929, a school building was constructed, as until then, the students had to travel to Mignanelli Palace. This site of the Urban Athenaeum was established before the construction of the Gregorian, the Angelicum, and the Lateran universities [68].

In 1931, the College settled into its current building, although at the time, it was not yet at its present size. During the prefecture of cardinal Krikor Bedros Aghagianian under the pontificate of John XXIII, an additional floor was added, increasing the capacity by 80 places [69].

In 1946, another college was established: the San Pietro College, not for seminarians, but for priests from missionary territories who came to Rome for specialized studies [70].

The number of requests from the Ordinaries of missionary territories for reserved places for some of their seminarians was increasing. Already during the time of John XXIII, the construction of a new college began on Via di Torre Rossa in Rome, near Villa Carpegna. The cornerstone of the building was taken from the palace in Piazza di Spagna, the palace donated by Vives. The inauguration took place on December 3, 1965, by Paul VI. At that time, it was designated for students studying philosophy, specifically those in their early years [71].

Subsequently, but here we enter the present time, after a period of closure the College San Paolo was reopened in 1977. This second opening was decided to accommodate young priests from missionary territories. It took the name of Collegio San Paolo and was added to the Collegio San Pietro, which also welcomed priests, while the Urban College continued to welcome seminarians.

To these colleges for the clergy, which show how the Pope and the Congregation have been attentive to missionary needs and have upheld the commitments made since 1627, a college for nuns from missionary dioceses was added. Founded in 1979, the College Mater Ecclesiae, for a certain period located in the old building that was the first seat of the College on the Janiculum, was later transferred to Castel Gandolfo.

The notes we have offered, as mentioned at the beginning, are the result of a reworking that draws on previously published material. The publications produced so far serve as a starting point for further studies, both in terms of the themes explored and the bibliographic and archival references provided. We have observed that the current studies on the College are, in fact, more developed for the early modern period than for the contemporary one. In any case, throughout the history of the College, as well as of the colleges that later emerged, much remains to be explored. The Urban College remains an open field of research. It is important to make a further study on the identity and the special character of the Urban College as an institution dedicated to the missionary formation of priests, called to go to missionary frontiers.

For this reason, the Dicastery for Evangelization seeks to ensure that the entire trajectory of the College’s four centuries of existence is taken into consideration. Through careful analysis and comparison of various archival sources, it will be possible to highlight both institutional changes and the life of the students: their daily routines, as well as extraordinary events, with particular attention to literal and devotional life, academic studies and cultural activities, internal relationships among students and between superiors, as well as their interactions with the outside world. Alongside a chronological study tracing the development of the College, specific themes will be explored in greater depth. One may think, for example, of the study of languages and the impact that the formation received at the College had on the local contexts from which the students came and to which they usually returned for their ministry after ordination.

At the end of this article, it is worth remembering that this old institution continues to carry out its mission. Under the guidance of the Dicastery for Evangelization, presided over directly by the Roman Pontiff, the Urban College, together with the three other Colleges above-mentioned and with the Pontifical Urban University, continues to provide a formative service for a missionary Church, called to bring the Gospel to the World.

[1] We indicate the end of the pontificate of Pius XII, who passed away on October 9, 1958, because after this date, the documents are not accessible in the Vatican Archives, including the Historical Archives of Propaganda Fide of the Dicastery for Evangelization and Archives of the Urban College.
[2] To conduct a study on this subject, it is first necessary to analyze and compare the documentation found in the various collections of the Historical Archives of Propaganda Fide and of the Archives of the Urban College. For an overview of the Historical Archives of Propaganda Fide, cf. F. Belluomini, L’Archivio Storico di Propaganda Fide: presentazione e prospettive di ricerca storico-archivistiche, in B. Ardura – L. Sileo – F. Belluomini (eds.), Euntes in mundum universum. IV Centenario dell’istituzione della Congregazione di Propaganda Fide 1622-2022, Urbaniana University Press, Città del Vaticano 2023, 425-453; N. Kowalsky – J. Metzler, Inventory of the Historical Archives of the Sacred Congregation for the Evangelization of People or “de Propaganda Fide”, (Studia Urbaniana, 18), Pontificia Universitas Urbaniana, Roma 1983. For the Archives of the Urban College, cf. G. Pizzorusso, Archives du Collège Urbain de Propaganda Fide, “Annali Accademici Canadesi” 7 (1991), 94-97.
[3] On the Urban College, cf. G. MORONI, “Collegio Urbano”, in Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, vol. 14, Tipografia Emiliana, Venezia 1840, 215-242. Moroni gathers information from papal bulls, which allow us to understand the evolution of privileges and orders issued by the popes, as well as from earlier historical works (for example, Piazza’s Opere Pie di Roma, which dedicates a chapter to the Urban College and from which Moroni extracts the text of the oath that students were required to take). See also, N. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio Urbano de Propaganda Fide, Roma 1956. He primarily draws from the Archives of Propaganda Fide and, through a meticulous process of notation, provides an overview of the various archival series and their interconnections. The two aforementioned works, due to their different nature and, above all, the diversity of their sources, should be regarded as complementary. To these two works, which offer a general perspective on the Urban College, we add the writings published since 1919 in Alma Mater, the College’s bulletin, conceived from the outset as a link between the College and the students who finished their cursus and had come back to their homeland. Although Alma Mater did not claim to be a scholarly publication, it must be seriously considered, not only because it includes contributions that provide interesting historical insights, but also because it contains information on contemporary period and also lists of the names of the students and the superiors of the College. On the origins of the College, see also, L. VON PASTOR, Propaganda Fide e le Missioni, in Storia dei Papi, vol. XIII, Roma 1931, 753s.; G. STANGHETTI, La fondazione del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide, “Il Pensiero Missionario” 13 (1941), 122-136.
In the 1970s, within the framework of studies on the Congregation conducted for the 350 th anniversary of its foundation, research was also carried out on the Urban College. The task was entrusted to Maksimilijan Jezernik, who wrote three articles on the subject, following the chronological structure provided by the three volumes of Memoria Rerum. Jezernik follows widely the framework established by the monograph of Kowalsky, to which we have previously referred. However, through an examination of the College’s regulations, he provides insight into its internal life, from studies to prayer to the oath-taking ceremony. Cf. M. JEZERNIK, Il Collegio Urbano, in J. METZLER (ed.), Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria rerum. 350 Years in the Service of the Missions: 1622-1972, I/1 (1622-1700), Herder, Rom-Freiburg-Wien 1971, 465-482; ID., Il Collegio Urbano, in IB., II (1700-1815), 1973, 283-298; ID., Il Pontificio Collegio Urbano de Propaganda Fide (dal sec. XIX ad oggi), in IB., III/1 (1815-1972), 1975, 99-123. Of course, the entire Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria rerum is important and contains other articles related to the life of the College. More recently, Giovanni Pizzorusso, who, as we will see, has devoted significant attention to the history of the College, has provided a study that helps the reader gain a general overview of this institution, cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Note sul carattere sovranazionale/multinazionale del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide, in A. BOCCOLINI – M. SANFILIPPO – P. TUSOR (eds.), I collegi per stranieri a/e Roma nell’età moderna. I. Cinque-Settecento, Edizioni Sette Città, Viterbo 2023, 183-194. With this study, conducted in the context of a broader investigation into colleges for foreigners, Pizzorusso provides a more thematic analysis of certain issues already highlighted by Moroni, Kowalsky, and Jezernik: the study of languages within the College, the oath required of students, and the criticisms directed at the College for what was perceived as its inefficiency. This makes Pizzorusso’s article an important addition for obtaining a comprehensive overview of the Urban College. Moreover, he emphasizes that the concept of natio (understood in the ancien régime sense as a community identified by ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic characteristics) was fundamental to understanding missionary colleges. He argues that this concept is also significant for the Urban College, despite its distinctive supranational dimension, which sets it apart from the others.
[4] As early as 1622, Propaganda Fide took charge of the colleges dedicated to the formation of missionaries established particularly under the pontificate of Gregory XIII. In 1623, Gregory XV ordered a visitation of the colleges in Rome, to be carried out by a person appointed by Propaganda, while for colleges outside Rome, the visitations were to be conducted by the apostolic nuncios. During the relatively short pontificate of Gregory XV, the Congregation encouraged and approved the foundation of colleges; Urban VIII continued and deepened this oversight and care for missionary colleges. Cf. R.M. Wiltgen, Propaganda is placed in charge of the Pontifical Colleges, in Metzler, Sacrae Congregationis, I/1, 483-505.
[5]On Vives and his previous activities up to the establishment of a missionary college for secular priests, cf. G. Pizzorusso, Ad effectum conversionis. Il seminario missionario di Juan Bautista Vives nella Roma di Paolo V, in G. Mrozek Eliszezynski – G. Pizzorusso (eds.), Una curiosità generosa. Studi di storia moderna per Irene Fosi, Viella, Rome 2024, 183-198; G. Piras, La Congregazione e il Collegio di Propaganda Fide di J.B. Vives, G. Leonardi e M. de Funes, Università Gregoriana, Rome 1976.
[6] To understand the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide from an institutional perspective, and to gain insight into its activities in the missionary context during the modern period, cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Propaganda Fide, I: La Congregazione Pontificia e la Giurisdizione sulle missioni, (Temi e Testi, 209), Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Roma 2022; ID., Governare le missioni, conoscere il mondo nel XVII secolo: la Congregazione pontificia de Propaganda Fide, (Studi di storia delle istituzioni ecclesiastiche, 6), Sette Città, Viterbo 2018. For the contemporary period, cf. C. PRUDHOMME, Stratégie missionnaire du Saint-Siège sous Léon XIII (1878-1903). Centralisation romaine et défis culturels, (Collection de l’École française de Rome 186), École française de Rome, Rome 1994, 221-250, accessible on https://www.persee.fr/doc/efr_0000-0000_1994_ths_186_1?q=L%C3%A9on+XIII+Prudhomme. See also, J. COMBY – C. PRUDHOMME, Deux mille ans d’évangélisation et de diffusion du christianisme, Karthala, Paris 2022. The already mentioned collective work remains of fundamental importance for the overall history of the Congregation: J. METZLER (ed.), Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Memoria Rerum: 350 anni a servizio delle Missioni: 1622-1972, 3 voll., Herder, Rom – Freiburg – Wien 1971-1976. For a bibliography on Propaganda in the contemporary period, cf. R. REGOLI, Lo stato dell’arte degli studi sulla Congregazione de Propaganda Fide tra XIX e XX secolo, “Urbaniana University Journal” 1 (2022), 217-249.
[7] For a comprehensive history of the Ferratini Palace, now the Palace of the Dicastery for Evangelization, cf. G. ANTONAZZI, Il palazzo di Propaganda, De Luca Editori d’Arte, Roma 2005. This text is also a source of valuable information on the history of the College.
[8] For the information contained in this paragraph, we will primarily refer to the aforementioned monograph by Nicolas Kowalsky and the articles by Maksimilijan Jezernik. Additional references will be provided when further information is available.
[9] ARCHIVIO DEL COLLEGIO URBANO, Registri, categoria VII. We have 7 registers (with names and some information about the students of the College) from 1633, when this collection began, to 1958, when the possibility of consultation for study purposes it is no longer open.
[10] In conducting a study on the College in relation to Propaganda Fide, it is necessary to consider certain phases in the history of the Congregation for the Missions. At the beginning of its activity, the Congregation focused particularly on the Protestant world and the Near East. Already under Urban VIII, while maintaining its attention on the Old Continent, the Congregation’s universalistic dimension expanded. Cf. PIZZORUSSO, Governare, 33-45; see also E. SASTRE SANTOS, La fundación de Propaganda Fide (1622) en el contexto de la Guerra de los Triente Años (1618-1648), “Commentarium Pro Religiosis et Missionariis” 82/3-4 (2002), 231-261. The various changes in missionary activity over the centuries must be considered, as they reflect the different ways in which the Church has responded to various challenges and to conflicts/interactions with colonialism in different missionary areas. For a synthetic study on the history of missions that also systematically presents Propaganda’s involvement, cf. J. COMBY – C. PRUDHOMME, Deux mille ans [see note 6]. For an overview of the activity and jurisdiction of the Congregation founded in 1622 which has continued to the present day under the name Dicastery for Evangelization with the various institutional changes it has undergone, cf. F. BELLUOMINI, “Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide/Dicastery for Evangelization”, in Dictionnaire d’Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, 201, Letouzey et Ané, Paris 2025, to be published.
[11] When we think about the geography of Propaganda, we must keep in mind that the Congregation had to compete with the patronage of the Iberian sovereigns (patronato real or padroado). From the late 15 th century to the early 16 th century, the Popes, through pontifical bulls, had delegated the evangelization and ecclesiastical organization of colonial territories to the Iberian crowns, which made Roman intervention in those regions difficult. Moreover, with regard to Propaganda in particular, some areas under Portuguese or Castilian jurisdiction already had a diocesan structure in place, and the Tridentine principles had been introduced. These geographical areas could therefore no longer be considered terrae missionis, even though missionary activity was still present, especially in frontier regions. Beyond the patronage system, we must also consider other political influences in the missionary sphere, particularly that of the French protectorate. On this topic see, with bibliographic indications. PIZZORUSSO, Propaganda, 232-244.
[12] On the concept of “terrae missionis” where Propaganda extended its jurisdiction cf. A. MOLNAR, Terrae missionis nel Vecchio Continente. La Sacra Congregazione de Propaganda Fide e l’Europa tra il ‘600 e l’800, in ARDURA – SILEO – BELLUOMINI (eds.), Euntes, 153-166; L. LEONCINI, Le competenze di Propaganda Fide secondo la Bolla Inscrutabili (1622) nel sistema di governo centrale della Chiesa, “Ius Missionale” 6 (2012), 73-116. On Propaganda’s jurisdiction over the terrae missionis, cf. A. REUTER, De iuribus et officiis Sacrae Congregationis “de Propaganda Fide” noviter constitutae seu de indole eiusdem propria, in METZLER (ed.), Sacrae Congregationis, I/1 (1622-1700), 112-144.
[13] We take the narration of this story with archival references in JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 469.
[14] Cf. ARCHIVIO STORICO DI PROPAGANDA FIDE (APF), Acta, vol. 16, f. 166v.
[15] G. PIZZORUSSO, I satelliti di Propaganda Fide. Il Collegio Urbano e la Tipografia Poliglotta, “Mélange de l’École Française de Rome, Italie et Méditerranée” 116/2 (2004), 475-476.
[16] These details are taken from PIZZORUSSO, I satelliti, 476.
[17] Cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Una presenza ecclesiastica cosmopolita a Roma: gli allievi del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide (1633-1703), “Bollettino di Demografia Storica” 22 (1995), 129-138.
[18] Cf. L. CODIGNOLA, Blurred Nationalities across the North Atlantic. Traders, Priests, and Their Travelling between North American and the Italian Peninsula, 1763-1846, University of Toronto Press, Toronto – Buffalo – London 2019, 81-86. Previously, the same author had addressed the topic: L. CODIGNOLA, The Molding of a Roman Élite: Ralph Smith and Felix Theophilus Dougherty, The First American Students at Rome’s Collegio Urbano, 1783–1824, “Itineraria” 13 (2014), 1-15.
[19] On this, see, PIZZORUSSO, Una presenza ecclesiastica, 133-136.
[20] For an overview of the late 18 th century, we can refer to the summary by Maksimilijan Jezernik: Egyptians, Syrians, Chaldeans, Greeks, Melchites, Ruthenians, Tonkinese, Ethiopians, Vlachs of the Greek Rite, Armenians, Irish, Brahmins, Malagasy, Bulgarians, Christians of St. Thomas, Illyrians, Epiriotes, Messenians, Macedonians, Scots, Belgians, youth from the Aegean Islands, youth from the Americas. Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, II, 287.
[21] This period is particularly complicated to study, not only due to the irregularity of the life of the College and the Congregation, but also of the Archives. For a study on this period, cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, “Ecco recise queste piante”: la crisi del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide tra Repubblica romana e dominazione napoleonica (1798-1817), “Ricerche per la storia religiosa di Roma” 11 (2006), 125-140; C. SANTUS, Rome avant-poste de la France en orient. Les chrétiens orientaux dans la ville éternelle et la congrégation de la Propagande pendant l’occupation napoléonienne (1808-1814), “Annales historiques de la Révolution française” 3/401 (2020), 135-158.
[22] On the library of the College cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 29-30; MORONI, “Collegio Urbano”, 234-235.
[23] For the French period, where the connection between Propaganda and the College emerges, cf. J. METZLER, Die Kongregation in der Zeit Napoleons (1795-1815), in ID., Sacrae Congregationis, II, 84-118.
[24] Cf. N. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 34. On the restart of the College’s activity after the Napoleonic period, cf. PIZZORUSSO, Ecco recise, 134-136.
[25] Meanwhile, Leo XII, in the audience of March 28, 1824, restricted the right of Casa Barberini to 8 places, but it seems that these did not necessarily have to belong to the nations listed in the bulls of 1637 and 1639. Cf. APF, Udienze di Nostro Signore, vol. 62, 1-877; ff. 365r-366v.
[26] Cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Romani d’intelletto e di cuore: seminaristi canadesi del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide (1829-1908), “Il Veltro. Rivista della Civiltà Italiana” 38 (1994), 151-162.
[27] Cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Indiani del Nordamerica a Roma (1826-1841), “Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria”, 116, 1993, 395-411.
[28] Cf. COMBY – PRUDHOMME, Deux mille, 285-292.
[29] Cf. APF, Acta, vol. 290, ff. 135r-144v.
[30] It concerns the informational body of the Pontifical Mission Societies, which had been under the jurisdiction of Propaganda since 1922. This journal could be a resource to have information about the College.
[31] Agenzia Fides, March 30, 1940, n. 727, 61/40.
[32] For this aspect, see, G. ANTONAZZI – G. DE ROSA – S. DI RITA, Roma città aperta: la cittadella sul Gianicolo: appunti di diario: 1940-1945, Ed. di Storia e Letteratura, Roma 1983. See also, G. PIZZORUSSO, Sentimenti nazionali in un seminario missionario internazionale: il Collegio Urbano negli anni della Seconda guerra mondiale (1940-1945) in una fonte coeva per la pubblicazione in Collegi per stranieri a Roma dalla Grande Guerra ai giorni nostri, a cura di M. SANFILIPPO et AL., Sette Città, Viterbo 2025, to be published.
[33] M. JEZERNIK, Il pontificio Collegio, III/1,104.
[34] In addition to referring to the previously mentioned Moroni, Kowalsky e Jezernik, cf. A. SEUMOIS, La S.C. “de Propaganda Fide” et les études missionnaires, in METZLER, Sacrae Congregationis, III/2, 450-463; J. METZLER, L’Accademia dei Concili nel Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide (1671-1756), “Euntes docete” XXXVI (1983), 233- 246; P. PASCHINI, La «conferenza dei Concili» a Propaganda Fide, “Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia” 24/3 (1960) 371-382; G. STANGHETTI, La scuola di canto nel Pontificio Collegio Urbano di Roma (1627-1925): “Note d’archivio per la storia musicale”, 3/1, (1926) 46-57. For a broad look at missionary training in Propaganda’s program, cf. J. METZLER, Formazione del missionario nel programma e nei primi documenti della Sacra Congregazione “de Propaganda Fide”, in La formazione del missionario oggi. Atti del Simposio Internazionale di Missiologia (24-28 ottobre 1977), Urbaniana University Press – Paideia Editrice, Roma – Brescia 1978, 205-219.
[35] Among the students a prominent figure was John Henry Newman (1801–1890), who converted to Catholicism and later became a cardinal. He stayed at the College as a student between 1846 and 1847. Cf. G. DE LUCA, Newman al Collegio, “Alma Mater”, 1947, 36-43; S. GAROFALO, Newman at Propaganda Fide College, in PONTIFICIA UNIVERSITÀ URBANIANA (ed.), John Henry Newman Theologian and Cardinal. The Significance of His Promotion to the Cardinalate, Urbaniana University Press – Paideia Editrice, Città del Vaticano – Brescia 1981; W. HENKEL, Newman e l’Urbaniana, in CENTRO INTERNAZIONALE DEGLI AMICI DI NEWMAN, Conoscere Newman. Introduzione alle opere, Urbaniana University Press, Città del Vaticano 2002; L.F. TUNINETTI, Prolusione: Newman, il Collegio di Propaganda e lo scopo dell’università, “Urbaniana University Journal”, 2 (2020), 5-40.

In this article, we rightly place emphasis on the students, but the teachers and superiors should not be overlooked. In this regard, one may think of renowned teachers such as Oliver Plunkett, who later became Primate of Ireland and was martyred in 1681. Cf. L. MEZZADRI, Dal Collegio Urbano (1627) all’Università Urbaniana (1962), “Pontificia Università Urbaniana – Annales”, 2002-2003, 157. As for the superiors, one may consider the long rectorship of Don Michele Buonvicini, who served from 1662 to 1696, or that of rector Raimondo Serdomenici, who managed the College following the French period. Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 471; III/1, 100-101.
[36] For guidance on the rules cf. M. JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 472-477; Il Collegio, II, 290-294; Il pontificio Collegio, III/1, 108-110.
[37] Text of the Regole in APF, SC – Collegio Urbano, vol. 1, ff. 167r-182v. For rules promulgated later cf. APF, SC – Collegio Urbano. Miscellanea, vol. 4.
[38] APF, SC – Collegio Urbano, vol. 1, f. 168r.
[39] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 18. Refers to APF, Acta, vol. 26, f. 149.
[40] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 18.
[41] Cf. S. PAVENTI, Il Giuramento di Missione nei Collegi della Sacra Congregazione di Propaganda Fide, “Alma Mater” 1947, 11-21.
[42] The Armenians and the Abyssinians were allowed the freedom to join the Order of St. Basil, and the latter also in the Order of St. Macarius. On July 20, 1660, Alexander VII revoked these exceptions. Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 11.
[43] JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 477.
[44] For further study on the state letters received from a specific geographical area, cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Le “Lettere di stato”: una fonte documentaria dell’Archivio della Congregazione “de Propaganda Fide” di particolare interesse canadese (1893-1908), “Annali Accademici Canadesi”, V (1989), 101-114.
[45] Cf. PIZZORUSSO, Propaganda, 209-229. With bibliographic references.
[46] On this, see, R. DEVILLE, La scuola francese di spiritualità, Cinisello Balsamo, 1990; Y. KRUMENACKER, L’école francaise de spiritualité, Cerf, Paris 1998.
[47] For an overview of the religious or clerical communities involved in the formation of the College’s students in the 17th century, cf. L. MEZZADRI, Dal Collegio Urbano (1627) all’Università Urbaniana (1962), in Pontificia Università Urbaniana – Annales 2002-2003, 151-156.
[48] Cf. C. MARIN, De Maximum illud à Rerum Ecclesiae (1919-1926), La stratégie missionnaire romaine après la Première Guerre Mondiale, in G. VIDAL – M. SPINDLER – A. LENOBLE-BART (eds.), L’Allemagne missionnaire d’une guerre à l’autre, 1914-1939: effondrement et résilience, Karthala, Paris 2017, 29-41.
[49] For a presentation of the activities related to the knowledge and use of languages at the Urban College, cf. G. PIZZORUSSO, Le lingue a Roma, studio e pratica nei Collegi missionari nella prima età moderna, “Rivista Storica Italiana”, 132/1, (2020), 248-271; ID., Tra cultura e missione: la congregazione “De Propaganda Fide” e le scuole di lingua araba nel XVII secolo”, in A. ROMANO (éd.), Rome et la science moderne, École française de Rome, Rome 2009, 121-152. See also A. GIRARD, L’enseignement de l’arabe à Rome au XVIIIe siècle, in B. GREVIN (éd.), Maghreb-Italie. Des passeurs médiévaux à l’orientalisme moderne, École française de Rome, Rome 2010, 209-234 ; B. HEYBERGER, Les chrétiens du Proche Orient au temps de la Réforme catholique, École française de Rome, Rome 2014.
[50] Cf. J. METZLER, Orientation, programme et premières décision (1622-1649), in ID., Sacrae Congregationis, I/1, 173-174. On this topic and on the Accademia delle lingue, held on the day of Epiphany, cf. PIZZORUSSO, Governare, 165- 205.
[51] Cf. PIZZORUSSO, Le lingue, 265; JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 475.
[52] On the Printing-office of Propaganda, cf. W. HENKEL, The Polyglot Printing-office of the Congregation, in METZLER, Sacrae Congregationis, I/1, 335-354; ID., The Polyglot Printing-office During the 18 th and 19 th century, in METZLER, Sacrae Congregationis, II, 299-315; PIZZORUSSO, I satelliti, 484-476. Si veda anche, MORONI, “Collegio Urbano”, 237-242.
[53] Of particular significance is a new contribution on intellectual formation, which could serve as a model for further studies, cf. U. BALDINI, Filosofia e scienza nel Collegio Urbano (secoli XVII-XVIII), in “Ricerche di storia sociale e religiosa” 96 (2024), a monographic section dedicated to Propaganda Fide, to be published.
[54] For a comparison between the Collegio Romano, the Collegio Urbano, and the Collegio Pio Clementino, run by the Somaschi Fathers, cf. P. BROGGIO, L‘Urbs e il mondo: Note sulla presenza degli stranieri nel Collegio Romano e sugli orizzonti geografici della « formazione romana » tra XVI e XVII secolo, “Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo in Italia”, 1, (2002), 81-120.
[55] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 21.
[56] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Collegio, I/1, 475.
[57] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 22; regarding the Theatines and the College, cf. C. DE ROSA, I teatini e le origini del Collegio Urbano di Propaganda Fide, “Regnum Dei” 4 (1948), 277-304. The author would later return to the topic, cf. ID., I teatini e le origini del Collegio Urbano, “Alma Mater”, 1948, 6-13.
[58] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 23.
[59] Cf. APF, Acta, vol. 299, f. 251.
[60] Cf. KOWALSKY, Pontificio Collegio, 23.
[61] Cf. GAROFALO, L’Università, 539.
[62] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 112.
[63] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 114.
[64] Cf. GAROFALO, L’Università, 539.
[65] For this information, cf. GAROFALO, L’Università, 542-543.
[66] Cf. A. SPREAFICO, Dal Collegio Urbano all’Urbaniana: Un’università missionaria di fronte al nuovo millennio, in La Missione senza confini. Ambiti della missione ad gentes. Miscellanea in onore del r.p. Willi Henkel, OMI, Vivere In, Monopoli 2000, 37-44; G. MAZZOTTA, Momenti di ricerca filosofica alla Pontificia Università Urbaniana, “Euntes Docete” 59/3 (2006), 55-66.
[67] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 101.
[68] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 102.
[69] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 102.
[70] At this level, it is important to consider the assistance that came from the Pontifical Mission Societies (Pontificia Opera Missionalia) for the formation of the missionary clergy, whose archives certainly deserve investigation. On the Pontifical Mission Societies, cf. G. DAL TOSO, Le Pontificie Opere Missionarie: storia e attualità, in ARDURA – SILEO – BELLUOMINI, Euntes in mundum, 229-240; G. ZAMPETTI, Le Pontificie Opere Missionarie, in METZLER, Sacrae Congregationis, III/2, 413-449.
[71] Cf. JEZERNIK, Il Pontificio Collegio, III/1, 102.